Page Two
The Vollkommers
In the Bruenn village history, it is reported that during this two hundred-plus year period, “17 marriages and 117 births are recorded for the Mueller family in the parish book at Pfarrweisach. One was accustomed to hear the Mueller family spoken of in Bruenn as a dynasty.” As we shall see below at least two of those marriages with Mueller women, and as many as a dozen births, involved men named Vollkommer. But the Mueller clan also figures in an episode of what I call ‘The Baron’s Tale,’ the wishful strand of nobility that so many American families of northern European origin are convinced clings somewhere, way back when, to an obscure branch of their family tree. The family name Vollkommer is first recorded in Bruenn in 1748.11 Six years later, in 1754, we discover that a Joseph Vollkommer’s name appears in the church book at Pfarrweisach, in the listing of his marriage to Anna Maria Mueller of Bruenn, who, unless there was another girl of this same name from a slightly earlier period whose birth was overlooked in the parish register, was born in 1741, making her only thirteen years old at the time of her marriage12. It is in this church document where we learn that Joseph - and perhaps other members of his family - had originally come to Bruenn from the village of Autenhausen, roughly fifteen kilometers to the northeast. We also learn the names of the newlywed’s parents, Johann and Margarethe Vollkommer, and Joseph and Margarethe Mueller, while the sponsors are Johan Adam Mueller, also of Bruenn, and Balthezar Leidner, also of Autenhausen.13
These intra-village migrations, typically within a radius of fifty or so kilometers, had been a standing practice throughout Europe for centuries. On average, in times of peace, thirty percent of a given local population would migrate one or more times over the course of a lifetime; as we have seen wartime would have an even greater impact on population upheavals and transfers. Marriage, not atypically, was a motive for leaving one’s hometown for both single men and women. And while we don’t know if Joseph was of this category, or if he moved to Bruenn with other members of his family as the time gap between 1748-54 might suggest, we do know that marriage partners were frequently sought from neighboring villages to avoid conflict with taboos against incest, which extended to several degrees of kinship beyond one’s immediate nuclear family.14 On learning of the Autenhausen connection, I was subsequently able to make contact with descendants of the Vollkommers still living there today, Herr and Frau Joseph Vollkommer, and their son Christof. It is through Christof, an engineer working in nearby Coburg, that we have some account of the Vollkommers before their name appears in Bruenn. Christof writes: “In the year 1675, the cloister of Tambach about seven kilometers away to which Autenhausen was attached administratively during this period, conducted a census. There was no Vollkommer listed. The following year, 1676, the local chronicle records the arrival of a Vollkommer from Grosseibstadt, neat Bad Koenigshofen [roughly thirty kilometers west of Autenhausen]. On a list of all the buildings in Autenhausen from that time, I was able to find that on March 17, 1688, number 18 was conveyed to Hans Klaus Vollkommer after his marriage to Anna Margarethe Kessler. Now I can say that this was the original Vollkommer house in Autenhausen, and it was located on exactly the same spot as the house I occupy today!” The task remains to trace the Vollkommer name back to Grosseibstadt, and perhaps beyond. And also to clear up another mystery concerning the exact spelling of the name, which in one Autenhausen record Christof discovered was given as “Folkmarer.” Christof comments that, “in my opinion it is only a spelling mistake, because due to the regional accent in Autenhausen, both names sound similar in pronunciation. I cannot really believe that the right name was Folkmarer till Hans Klaus came to Autenhausen and changed into Vollkommer because of the regional accent. But we have to also look for “Folkmarer” when we go to look for Vollkommers in Grosseibstadt.” And go there I did, in the company of Gerd Vollkommer; during my November 2002 visit to Bruenn and its surroundings. We made a cursory swing through Grosseibstadt, including a stop at the local church graveyard, and failed to turn up the name in either spelling. Furthermore, neither the Vollkommer nor Folkmarer names are known today in the town according to a woman we interviewed there, a long time resident of the village, who was tending the grave of a relative. Then, on the final night of my visit, Christof Vollkommer braved a raw and rainy night, and drove down from Autenhausen to Ebern to provide me with a copy of the Heimatbuch von Autenhausen [henceforth Autenhausen History]. Like every Heimatbuch I have seen in Germany - and every town and village seems to have its story formally constructed and preserved in a local history - the Autenhausen History is a fascinating document. The historical introduction is particularly well done, and one gets a true sense of how the shifting migrations of the early tribes came to settle these lands and create the Franconian type of the early Middle Ages from a synthesis of many peoples. There are many accounts as well of how the Autenhausen peasants fared during the catastrophic wars and territorial upheavals that beset the region throughout its history. The names of many Vollkommers are threaded through those sections of the text that record which families lived in which houses, and to whom each dwelling passed through inheritance or trade over the years. But, in the absence of birth records at the very least, in which we locate the listing of a Joseph for, say, circa 1725-35, born to a couple named Johan and Margarethe, I failed to determine the exact linkage between the Vollkommers of Autenhausen and those of Bruenn. That such a link exists cannot be doubted, but the concrete evidence on which that link can be established remains to be found. Thus, the way back temporarily halted, it is time to move our narrative forward from 1754, and record what little we know of the young Vollkommer couple in Bruenn whose marriage is referred to above. My own search of the Pfarrweisach parish records, housed in the diocesan archives in Wuerzburg, turned up the following list of children born to this Joseph and Anna Maria nee Mueller: Andreas - June 10, 1755 Anna Maria - March 20, 1758 Johan Vitus - September 21, 1759 If there were other offspring born to this union, I did not find them in the parish records.15 It would appear that most of the Vollkommer descendants in the United States are from Andreas’ (1755)16 line, while there are as yet a number of Vollkommers still living in the vicinity of Bruenn, specifically in Unterpreppach and Ebern, most notably Gerhard (Gerd) Vollkommer, with whom I have been in contact now for a number of years. And Gerd Vollkommer’s line is descended from Andreas’ brother, Johan Vitus, known as Veit [pronounced Fight in German]. The fate of the mother’s namesake, Anna Maria, is unknown, at least to me; this is often the case with a female line, since it can easily disappear into the genealogy of her husband, and is therefore difficult to trace using her maiden name as the point of origin. There is one additional line I know of stemming from Andreas that remained in Bruenn, and continues to be represented there today through the female line by a family named Hild. Given the limited time and skills I could apply to the laborious task of archival research, an activity further complicated by the difficulty in deciphering records that, while sometimes in Latin, were more likely to be written in Gothic scripted German by as many scribes as there are writing styles, I devoted most of my efforts to scanning birth, baptismal and marriage microfiche files. Only in a few instances was I able to investigate death or burial records. As for other kinds of records on taxes, probate, housing, migrations and so on, which might have provided more specific or personal detail on the Vollkommers, or on their collateral kinfolk, in-laws, or other intimates they chose as sponsors for their weddings or as godparents, these were not kept by the local parish. Such records exist in other archives, state and local, and, when accessible, are even more difficult to locate. Thus it is for Joseph Vollkommer of Autenhausen and his bride, Anna Maria Mueller, who married in Bruenn in 1754, that I cannot offer a single additional detail to illuminate their personal lives. The chronology of the Bruenn History, itself based almost exclusively on communal records and related documentary sources, does highlight certain occurrences in Bruenn that testify to the growth, stability and certainly the lifestyle of the villagers in general oven the span of years that, presumably, Joseph and Anna Maria and their immediate descendants were living there and raising their families prior to migration.17 There were twenty individual residences in Bruenn in 1750, housing 75 family members. This count does not include the community buildings: the village hall, a small and compact structure built of stone, complete with clock tower and chime, the Forge, the Sheppard’s House, the Brewery, and the Hirtenhaus - the Gooseherd’s House, which doubled as the Armenhaus or Poor House. Apparently the position of gooseherd was a sinecure provided to a given villager who was down on his or her luck. There was also a Schreinershaus for the master joiner and his family, but whether or not this structure was included in the communal properties or simply so named because it was where the carpenter resided, the history does not make clear. In any event, Bruenn’s first Inn was opened in the Schreinershaus in 1755. A public inn was a feature common to these small villages, and not only offered shelter for travelers, but provided a common room for the locals, who met there to drink their beer, play or dance to music, and to hold their village festivals and family celebrations, such as wedding or baptismal parties. Having a common space where neighbors could gather for leisure was of utmost importance to the social health of the commune. Likewise, given that our peasant ancestors mostly traveled their local rounds by foot, unless hauling freight, like fodder or cordwood, with their teams of oxen, it was important to have a shelter where a visiting tinker or livestock trader, or a master mason on loan from a neighboring village, and hired for repairs or new construction, could spend the night in safety and relative comfort, especially in the winter when daylight for travel was at a premium. The houses in Bruenn were built in the traditional style of Frankish architecture, with living quarters joined internally to animal stalls, cellars and storage barns, connected always at the right corner of their dwellings though a maze of halls and stairways. In contrast with the large and well lit outbuildings of these same farms today, the Bruenn historian describes the Scheunen - the barns - of those olden times, as niedigen, dunklen, unfreundlicher - low, dark, dreary. Every family stored food stocks and fodder in its own barn, but there were also two larger structures in the village where the feudal payments in-kind for rents, taxes and dues were warehoused. Each year, following the harvesting timetables of the various crops, the Prince Bishop’s lackey, living in nearby Ebern, and the stewards of the local proprietor knights, would supervise in Bruenn the collection and storage of their patron’s tithes. One can easily imagine how such a practice was unpopular with the toilers who had grown these crops, especially during years when the harvest was disappointing. The Vollkommers and their neighbors were subsistence farmers, or in today’s idiom, they lived on what were the equivalents of family farms. Neighbor cooperated with neighbor in a variety of tasks at sowing and harvest times, but other specialized activities were distributed to designated villagers, like the sheppard, the gooseherd, and the village smith, who, for their services, were paid both in coin and kind. At a somewhat latter date (1841) than that pertaining to the immediate chronology, but by way of example, the gooseherd - named Kuni Baehr - would pay a token rent for her lodgings in the Armenhaus, then charge her neighbors a fixed rate per annum, six kreutzer and two pounds of bread for the care of a mature goose or gander, two kreutzer and one pound of bread for a younger bird. The night-watchman received both a measure of corn [barley] from each family and cash, pro-rated according to their relative prosperity; in the case recorded, the five wealthiest families, one of which would have likely been a Vollkommer, paid the watchman 48 kreutzer each, while the three poorest families (which may have included a Saal, a family that would in later years be joined in marriage to a Vollkommer in Williamsburg, Brooklyn), paid him 48 kreutzer collectively.18 There were other resources the citizens of Bruenn shared in common, like pastures and meadows, orchards and vineyards, ponds and woodlots. For the most part, however, they tended to their own fields and gardens, which not only produced their daily diet and animal feed, but the occasional cash crop as well. They grew Roggen, rye for bread; Gerste, barley for beer; Rueben, turnips, Kartoffeln, potatoes, and Roterueben, sugar beets for root crops; Klee, clover and Hafer, oats for fodder. Besides farming, Bruenners were much engaged in cattle breeding, initially because the land itself was poor. Roughly twenty four acres were required to support an average family, twice the amount sufficient in more fertile areas of rural Germany. Bruenners would eventually turn this limitation to their advantage. Advances in agriculture, like the introduction of root crops for fodder and the fertilization of fields with manure, extended the growing season and increased productivity. The old three field system - with one field always lying fallow - could gradually be eliminated, and valuable pasture lands could be turned to the production of both cash crops, like grains, or root crops for people food or fodder that would store efficiently and winter over, and make it possible to introduce stall feeding on a larger scale. Cottage industry, known technically as proto-industrialization, arose in Germany during the late 1700s and grew exponentially as an engine of emergent capitalism until roughly 1850, when true industrialization in the form of factory-scale production shifted the economic balance from the countryside to the cities. I can only provide a very general sketch of the presence of cottage industry in Bruenn during the years the Vollkommers lived there, and almost no evidence of the impact of such extra-agricultural activities on the villagers’ economic welfare. As noted, given the poor quality of the soil, ten hectares, or twenty four acres, was the minimal holding on which a family could be assured of its subsistence. Those whose arable acreage fell below this minimum had to find alternative means to make ends meet.
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